Archive:2017-2019 Fáknir civil war

From CWS Planet
(Redirected from 2017-2019 Fáknir civil war)
Jump to navigation Jump to search

This article is still under heavy construction and may not be in a workable state for a while. Please check back later.
For a full and week-to-week report of events as they unfolded during this conflict, visit appropriate KYN news thread.

The 2017-2019 Fáknir Civil War was a period of civil and military conflicts in the western Fals Empire that culminated in the eventual creation of the Fáknir Republic, and the subsequent annexation of the majority of western Fals Empire territory by the Republic. The conflict started on 7 March 2017, was interrupted by a 9-month ceasefire starting in September 2017, and continued in May 2018, with hostilities officially coming to an end on 24 April 2019. All casualties combined, the civil war cost the lives of approximately half a million with more than a million reported injured, and internally displaced up to 5 million people. A peace treaty recognising the Republic and its government was signed between the Empire and the Republic on 29 September 2019. The split of the Fals Empire knocked the country down from its status as a major power in Boroso. The loss of the western half of the country was a severe blow for the Empire, losing access to more than half its territorial area and roughly 40% of its population. It lost its direct connections with major trading partners in lower Boroso like Yakormonyo and Yahara, as well as all of its ports on the Asuran ports, as well as its hegemony over railroad traffic between upper and lower Boroso with the loss of Pfahfá, a central hub for the TBR. Conversely, the Republic, whose constituents had previously been to some degree dependent on Imperial financial support were now forced to upkeep their own economies. Both countries have been in economic recession since the civil war, and the Republic is still in the process of rebuilding cities and vital infrastructure. The political situation in the Empire has been chaotic since the split – with the central government less influential than before, a trend has emerged wherein member provinces are beginning to behave more autonomously despite Imperial legislature, and interacting more as equals with each other than as provinces of a central government. A sentiment has arisen that the Imperial government is too top-heavy. The direct effects of the war on everyday life in parts of the Republic and the Empire are still felt to this day, as documented in the aftermath.

Fáknir Civil War

Fáknir civil war
Part of 2017-2019 Fáknir Civil War
Date7 March, 2017 - 20 July, 2018
LocationFáknirland and western Fals Empire
Status Ceasefire, later continued into Western War
Territorial
changes
  • Government victory, defeat of belligerent opposition
  • Expansion of separatist militias contained
  • Republic of Tiir formed
Belligerents
Fals Empire Fals Empire

Hufumedurw Faiarderw Hufumedurw Faiarderw
Coalition of Katarian villages
Republic of Tiir Republic of Tiir (non-belligerent)


Dhwer Dhwer (alleged)
Commanders and leaders
Fals Empire Oodun Abirsimur
Fals Empire IO Gellan Thfalsiter
Fals Empire Gen. Baralt Onadewreseke
Fals Empire Col. Brem Krasap
Fals Empire Gen. Alvi Kopek (dismissed)
Fals Empire Gen. Ümevel Keeuk
Fals Empire Gen. Mooit Krasari 
Hufumedurw Faiarderw Dámin Surotusu 
Republic of Tiir Mann Forotep
Helwiar Afarhelwiar Surrendered
Republic of Tiir Gen. Katar Almawuhi
Republic of Tiir Gen. Katar Náme
Republic of Tiir Ltgen. Jálawk Sotortáp
Republic of Tiir Ltgen. Sokia Kiwah
Units involved
Fals Empire Imperial Military Hufumedurw Faiarderw HF People's Militia
Katarian People's Militia
Republic of Tiir Republican Military
Local civilian militias
Strength
315,000 troops
750 artillery pieces
143 tanks
134 aircraft
HF:
80,000–130,000 fighters
89 artillery pieces
15 tanks
Coalition:
35,000–45,000 fighters
135 tanks
Republic:
350,000 troops
210 artillery pieces
29 tanks
20 aircraft
30,000 local anti-gov't militias
Casualties and losses

35,912 killed
61,021 wounded or missing


50 guns destroyed
21 tanks destroyed
129 undeployed tanks captured
3 aircraft destroyed

64,007 killed
95,000–100,000 wounded


70 guns destroyed
40 tanks destroyed
1 aircraft destroyed
Civilian casualties
12,295 civilians killed
142,000 civilians wounded
112,214 killed and 298,000–303,000 wounded overall
Over 400,000 civilians internally displaced, 85% of whom returned afterward

The Fáknir Civil War was an internal conflict of the Fals Empire that lasted from 2017 to 2018, and was the first of two conflicts that made up the 2017-2019 Fáknir Civil War. The civil war started when nationalist separatists of the Hufumedurw Faiarderw political organisation took control over Fáknirland's capital Bastoori and caused a string of popular revolts in the Fáknir inhabited regions of the Fals Empire, resulting in the formation of two large separatist states, a separatist Fáknirland under HF control and the Republic of Tiir. Conflicts during the civil war varied in intensity and peaked toward its end, and culminated in a ceasefire with the separatist entities in 2019 following a civilian massacre in Al-Atawdad. After the ceasfire, the HF was quickly defeated by government troops. The civil war was rapidly succeeded by the Western War in the same year.

Indirect causes

Collapse of the Fáknir Empire

It is widely believed that the prelude to the civil war is not limited to the events directly preceding it, as sentiments in the Fáknir community towards the Fals Empire have always been strained, having been the case ever since the Ikolinian Kingdom (the precursor to the Fals Empire) conquered and annexed most of the Fáknir Empire in 1851. Major insurrections against Ikolinian rule persisted until the end of the 1800s. After the collapse of the Fáknir state and its nobility, little was done to engage in dialogue with the population. As and Ikolinians were allowed to freely migrate to and colonise the region, with full support of the Ikolinian government. The expression of Fáknir culture received a negative stigma and public use of the Fáknir language was prohibited in major cities, in favour of Thaaft. Fáknirs were also barred from engaging in provincial or national level politics, leading to a complete bypassing of their voice in decisions regarding their own country. As time progressed, a sense of defeatism is said to have developed among the population and resistance to Ikolinian control shallowed.

Denial of autonomy

Several times since the beginning of Imperial rule, Fáknirs have tried and failed to appeal for autonomy through legal channels. Most notably this expressed itself in the 1910's, as popular movements within the peoples of other regions that the Ikolinian Kingdom had annexed could no longer be ignored. Negotiations on the various levels of government resulted in the Kingdom being rebaptised into the Fals Empire, and the emergence of a tier system wherein some of it provinces received increased autonomy. The Imperial crown became a semi-elected position potentially open to all, but de facto has remained Ikolinian, with a single exception, to this very day. During this period, Fáknir activists had hoped that their victimisation would come to light but their efforts were squelched by the government, and ignored by press outlets. The Fáknir provinces were not granted any autonomy and remained in the lowest tier.

Helsonian war

Separatist tendencies were reignited and manifested in full force after the Fals-Helsonian War. Fáknirs were often employed in operations with high risk and were poorly prepared and equipped, or used as a sort of forelorn hope without reward in status. During the height of the war, Fáknirs were rotated en masse into front line positions where the chance of death was extremely high. As the Empire retook Helsonian-controlled Farressetland and caused the Farresset genocide, Fáknir units were often ordered to clear out and execute entire Farresset villages, such that less blame would fall on other groups. After the war, this in fact caused Farressets and Fáknirs to sympathise more with one another. Once the war was over, the majority of Fáknir conscrips were given no benefits or funds from the state, and many returned financially ruined and without prospects of personal growth, but with a deep hatred of the Imperial government. Again, tensions in the west were high, and ex-military Fáknirs would often be found in violent protests and riots, resulting in the Imp. Govt. attempting to appease them by allowing Fáknirs access to positions in provincial and national politics in 1958 for the first time ever, which proved successful.

1997 Spákij Riots

The last public uprising before the civil war happened in 1997, believed to have been started by members of the HF as well, which had formed three years earlier. During this riot, a stray bullet from one HF fighter killed the wife of Imperial military general tasked with restoring order to the city, leading to the enraged general establishing martial law and steamrolling through civilian opposition with excessive violence. The 1997 riots are important because this event was used as grounds for the Imperial government to usher in a new series of restrictions on Fáknir politics, which included the establishment of Imperial Overseer's offices in every province, which acted as an arm of the government to effectively run the provinces directly behind the scenes, having the power to annul or veto provincial and local legislation at will. The military also established a greater military presence in the west. Protests and large social gatherings were deemed illegal and were practically eradicated after this point.

Direct causes

Language standardisation

The first link in the chain of events that led directly to the start of the civil war was the signing into law of Act 10038525 on 15 August 2016, days after the Fáknirland provincial government announced it would make the Fáknir language a mandatory subject in primary and secondary education. The act, among others, was intended to standardise the educational language and implied that Thaaft would become the sole language to be used in high-school and middle school teaching material, and in classes, restricting languages such as Fáknir and Karakat. The law and the timing of its enactment caused western schools and teachers' unions, as well as other minority groups to protest the government's decision, and later on August 20 to outright refuse to uphold the law. After threatened sanctions by Imp. Govt. backfired and failed, the Imp. Overseer was instructed to have the Fáknirland government hold a vote on it, a decision critics thought was made to strongarm the province, knowing full well it did not have the authority to do anything against national level legislation.

However, the Fáknirland government, headed by High Elder Jálawk Spákdo made the controversial decision to supercede its authority and annul the law on November 25. Five days later, the other Fáknir provinces with the exception of Fáuusin collectively joined Fáknirland in their refusal. The law was made optional on province-by-province basis on December 26, after significant pressure from MPs from other provinces and the looming threat of civil unrest in the west. This loss on the part of the government created an impression among the population that the government was not as solid and united as thought before. The government now had to pursue questionable avenues to regain its slowly deteriorating influence in the west.

Persecution of Spákdo

In January 2017, The Imperial High Court charged and later convicted Jálawk Spákdo, High Elder of Fáknirland, with public incitement to racial hatred following a radio interview discussing recent political developments. While arguably true, it was unusual for the High Court to prosecute such a minor matter and many believed that he was convicted under political motivations and pressure by the Imp. Govt. to rid themselves of Spákdo, as he was the most outspoken opponent of the language standardisation act, continually pushed his provincial government for more autonomy, and allegedly did not believe in the union of the Fals Empire. Spákdo immediately appealed to the verdict.

When Spákdo returned to his duties on February 6, he immediately proposed for the Fáknirland government to debate on pleading before the Imperial government to advance the province's autonomic tier. The motion was rejected, although not overwhelmingly. As a result of this controversial proposition, Emperor Vaykir decided to relieve Spákdo of his duties two days later without prior consultation with the imperial government, citing that he was a threat to the political union. This angered the Fáknirland government, whose members universally had great respect for Spákdo. Nevertheless, it polarised them between supporters of the union and supporters of increased autonomy, which were now equal in size and increasingly hostile to one another. Spákdo resigned formally the next day on February 9, and agreed to an interview with supporters in a Bastoori café, but could not reach the venue as several hundred thousand people were out in the market square and surrounding streets protesting against the government, and instead addressed the crowd in a populist speech. The crowd then marched on the Fáknirland parliament and violent clashes ensued.

The invalid referendum

In the weeks following Spákdo's dismissal by the Emperor on February 8, the HF fearing their support in the provincial government would quiet down, started an online campaign and collected 1.4 million signatures among the Fáknirland population to hold a province-wide referendum on whether it should receive increased autonomy, and presented the signatures to the Fáknirland government. Pressured from multiple sides, they in turn presented it in the Imperial Parliament, which accepted the request for a referendum and planned for it to be held on March 5.

The Imp. Govt. cancelled the referendum on March 4 citing that there were legal problems with the referendum following consultation from the High Court, which had deemed that the referendum would have to be nationwide due to its wide-reaching impact, and had advised the government to cancel the vote. This incensed the HF and its followers, who accused the government of denying Fáknirs their existential rights, and the HF promptly denounced the Imperial government. This sentiment was shared by the general population, most of who now sided with the separatists, and spontaneous protests erupted throughout the province.

Beginning of the Civil War

A large scale protest came together in central Bastoori on the night of March 6 to 7, following a call from the HF for Fáknirs from far and wide to gather and march on the parliament where MPs were convened, to force the government into decisive action. Following speeches by several HF members, now including Spákdo, the mass moved toward the parliament but were held at distance by police surrounding the building, who quickly brought in riot police before they themselves were surrounded. Protesters began taunting and pelting police with objects. After a tense half hour, fights and friction broke out and large scale brawls ensued. Groups of armed men revealed themselves from the crowd and stormed toward the nearby naval base, where they broke down entrances and looted the installation for gear and vehicles, killing marines in the process. The insurgents used the military vehicles to destroy police barricades and broke into the parliament building. HF leaders entered the building and heated negotiations ensued. In the end, unionist MPs were sent out of the building and were beaten up by the crowd. Any remaining police presence switched sides or surrendered after this point.

The HF then started their sweep of the city with help from protestors. They took over law enforcements assets, eliminated possible threats, and made numerous arrests. They took over government offices throughout the city and secured the Bastoori airport. The Imperial Overseer's office was raided and the overseer was executed in the streets. Throughout the night, the HF militants set up checkpoints at entrances to the city and began to set up a cordon around it in the surrounding terrain.The HF was well organised for this event, suggesting they had made preparations and plans beforehand.

In the following days, the Imperial Military encircled and closed Bastoori off, and negotiations proposed by the government fell on deaf ears. On March 10, the military made its move to reclaim the city, but with inexperienced officers and reduced combat readiness on such short notice its momentum was quickly stopped by overwhelming resistance, now from armed civilians as well. By the evening, the military was forced to retreat to the adjacent village of Nádi, its original location before the operation, losing all gains it had made including the strategically important Bastoori International Airport. Speculation exists about there having been separatist sympathisers in the military as insurgents were aware of military movements and had adequate countermeasures installed on several occasions.

Fáknirland revolts

When a 250-strong battalion passing through the village of Andasi east of Bastoori was massacred in a surprise attack from locals and HF insurgents on March 10, conflicts between armed Fáknirs and the military erupted all across the province. Imperial losses were sharp and sudden, and included military materials like tanks, supplies, and arms. The government promised that an anti-terrorist operation would be undertaken to pacify the province of Fáknirland, and in expectation for the worst, was slowly starting to mobilise its entire standing military.

An error made by an artillery group on March 13 that caused the leveling of a part of a residential area of Bastoori and the deaths of 115 further emboldened local Fáknirs to take up arms against the state. Soon, several cities and villages in the province were taken over by the HF or more often, switched sides and declared the military unwelcome. Military around Bastoori were starting to notice that settlements all around Bastoori were preparing for hostilities against them, and were forced to pre-emptively back away to consolidate in safer locations. The city of Kelbus joining forces with the HF on March 15 caused a chain reaction that saw most of the western half of the province siding with the HF over the following week, and the rapid withdrawal of the military eastward as skirmishes with local rebels and HF insurgents were coming near-constant from all directions.

Course of the civil war

The HF was starting to pick up steam and gather a large number of militants and sympathisers, which caused a sharp climb in the severity of fighting. The underprepared military had retreated and chosen the city of Talbooris for the establishment of a provisional defense line, with some success, but as the HF linked up with separatists and HF clusters in the east of the province, the threat of encirclement in Talbooris became apparent and eventually would come to occur on April 3, starting the First siege of Talbooris, and saw casualties on both sides racking up in the thousands before being lifted on April 15.

Meanwhile in the west of the country, far-right SHFF militants took control of the city of Lejhu on March 12, and similar developments were starting to unfold in Tiir Province as had occurred in Fáknirland before the eruption of hostilities. A hastily organized military operation to retake Lejhu failed as it was underway, when the majority Fáknir and Finnic battle group mutinied against its commanding officer and defected to the SHFF. Soon after, most of the western provinces symbolically declared the military unwelcome and expressed their support with the Lejhu insurgents, with the Imperial government declaring martial law in the provinces as a result. One day later, legislators of Tiir Province declared their province independent from the Empire, causing chaos in all the Fáknir majority provinces of the Empire. With these provinces in open opposition against the Imperial government, but unable to materially back it up, an air of lawlessness was descending upon the west. Individual settlements began showing their allegiance with one side or the other, or simply adopting a self-defense position, and arming themselves. Soon, local ethnic conflicts were erupting everywhere. With the government having a relatively minor presence in the west at the time, this was allowed to escalate into a situation where minor military factions began to emerge. The poor control the government had over the unfolding situation also meant that actions against the newly formed Republic of Tiir were limited to sanctions and declaring the Republic a rogue state. Fáknir separatists were able to arm themselves and dig in until well into May while a vast portion of the military in the far west, consisting of Fáknirs, defected and moved to set up defences in an around the Republic of Tiir. This loss of manpower effectively eliminated much of the military's presence in the west.

In Fáknirland however, the military launched a large scale offensive against the HF on April 1, and was regaining territory in the western half of the province. Even so, raids from guerilla fighters and HF sympathisers came at the cost of the capture and transfer of a significant amount of materiel, as Imperial lines were at some places insufficiently guarded. With the majority of HF forces concentrated in eastern Fáknirland, the situation there escalated into heavy fighting and only minor territory gains. A large pocket of military in the region around Talbooris became encircled in May, efforts to break the encirclement failed and the pocket would eventually be compressed back to the city again over the course of the following months, starting the much longer and violent Second siege of Talbooris in July. The advances of the military in Fáknirland and an underestimation of the unrest that was brewing in the far west gave the Imperial government faith in their operations and prompted it to decline offers of military assistance from allied nations. Intelligence gathered during the campaign against the HF was starting to bring to light atrocities committed by the HF in the form of POW mistreatment, the utilization of political dissidents in high-risk military cleanups, and abuse of As and Pels minorities, which started a slow but steady decline in HF popularity in Fáknirland. This came to the advantage of the Empire, whose special operatives could later conduct several assassination attempts on high-ranking HF members without further legitimizing popular support for the HF.

The Empire could no longer ignore the developments in the far west when separatist militias directly east of the Tiir Republic banded together and seized large swaths of Fáknir-inhabited territory in the Katargilt and Kohiflor provinces in a matter of days starting on June 4. The two highly diverse, multi-ethnic provinces were starting to fear for their internal stability and raised alarm bells with the Imperial government. While there were clear signs that the Republic had supplied and organized these militias, it denied all allegations of such, citing internal agreements that had been reached between the provinces and the Republic that both sides would do everything they could to prevent violence on their borders. Immediately the Empire started redirecting whatever manpower it could to contain the situation, which it would succeed in over the coming weeks, although at heavy cost. Likely the Republic tried to spread the Imperial military to as many places as possible in hopes that it would run out of steam and cause it to be ineffective against the HF. The reallocation of resources did stall the operation in Fáknirland but with the majority of the military now mobilized, it was still making headway against the HF. Over the course of July and August, the Empire managed to successfully recapture territory in the west, while reaching a stalemate-like situation in Fáknirland after chasing the HF back halfway into their territory. A direct engagement with the Republic was avoided only through extensive negotiations.

Massacre of Al Atawdad

The course of the civil war changed drastically on August 25 when it was discovered that the entire population of Al Atawdad, a village in Sunding Province, had seen its entire population of 189 murdered overnight by members of the Black Brigade, a far-right underground paramilitary group made up of ethnic As inhabitants of the western Fals Empire. The identity of the perpetrators and even the existence of the organization was unknown to authorities until October, well after the attack had occurred. The village was cordoned off by Imperial police and an investigation immediately began. The news of the massacre reached the HF and Republic roughly at the same time as the public. Public concensus in the west was that ethnic As settlements had taken matters into their own hands to wage an ethnic war against Fáknirs, and as a result a reactionary attitude of ethnic hostility among Fáknirs rapidly began to manifest in discrimination and attacks against As people. For both sides of the civil war, this development was considered undesirable as it could mark the beginning of uncontrollable ethnic conflicts that could entirely destabilise either side's influence in the west, and completely strip the country of its social cohesion and cause a runaway effect. This would make the Fals world a target for outside influence as well. Within days, a general truce across the factions was put into place and a joint and neutral investigation into the events in Al Atawdad began. The factions hoped that this combined with the cessation of military hostilities would alleviate ethnic tensions to some degree, which proved to be a success. Nonpartisan investigators of both the Republic and the Empire were flown in to the scene, but after verbal disagreements and scuffles broke out, the Republican team was removed from the premises and sent home. Outraged and fearing that the situation would be used to indict the Republic of the massacre, the Republic proposed to the Imp. Govt. that the investigation should be delegated to foreign oversight. This seemed to have gained popular and political traction across the factions, in the Empire's case to the dismay of the establishment, and on August 31 the Empire extended invitations to foreign investigation bureaus. Of the four countries (the Ekuosian Union, Vosan, Szezkia, and Qonklaks) that responded to the invitation, the Ekuosian Union was chosen to be the most suitable candidate. The factions agreed that the EU had the least political ties with any party and recognised the capabilities of the Ekuosian Police Commission. The Empire and its enemies then signed a formal ceasefire on September 1 until the conclusion of the investigation, but which was eventually extended indefinitely and ended all hostilities until the Western War broke out.

Conclusion of the investigation

Over the weeks of EPC invetigations, it became clearer that Black Brigade members were to tied to the attack on Al Atawdad. After a preliminary report by the EPC that shed light on what had happened, pressure from the joint investigative committee that wished to resume its primary role into the investigation caused the dismissal of the EPC. The investigation continued slowly but steadily over the following months. Most updates delivered to the public were insubstantial as it had become evident that the organization behind the attacks was good at remaining shielded from the prying eyes of the police, and the police had to remain as silent as possible. Nevertheless, more and more individuals were uncovered. People were dismayed with the silence however, and the seeming inaction of the governments caused several protests which put additional pressure on the joint investigative committee. Finally after eight months of grueling suspense, imperial police cracked down on upon members of Black Brigade on 20 April 2018, effectively rolling up the organization. Those with involvement in the massacre were tried and sentenced to death.



Western war

Western War
Part of 2017-2019 Fáknir civil war
Date8 October, 2018 - 24 April, 2019
LocationWestern Fals Empire
Result Secession of the Fáknir Republic
Territorial
changes
  • Fals Empire acknowledges independence of Republic
  • Republic annexes western Fals Empire
  • Kever and Akralst Kosels merge with Republic
Belligerents
Fals Empire Fals Empire
Vosan Vosan

Fáknir RepublicFáknir Republic
ProvFinnlandFlag.png Finnland
Ellsic flag.png Ellsic Army
Aktari Church


Dhwer Dhwer (alleged)
Commanders and leaders
Fals Empire Oodun Abirsimur
Fals Empire IO Gellan Thfalsiter
Fals Empire Gen. Baralt Onadewreseke  (POW)
Fals Empire Gen. Ümevel Keeuk
Fals Empire Col. Brem Krasap
Fals Empire Gen. Dial Cjlep
Fals Empire Gen. Ümevel Keeuk
Fáknir Republic Mann Forotep
Fáknir Republic Gen. Sulai Allah
Fáknir Republic Gen. Katar Almawuhi
Fáknir Republic Gen. Katar Náme
Fáknir Republic Ltgen. Jálawk Sotortáp
Fáknir Republic Ltgen. Sokia Kiwah
ProvFinnlandFlag.png Mj. Jáli Nuem
Ellsic flag.png Mai Zetupz
Fekah Nsakrehn
Units involved
Fals Empire Imperial Military

Fáknir Republic Republican Military
Cult Militant
ProvFinnlandFlag.png Gendarme Group Finnland
ProvTermlandFlag.png Termland
Ellsic flag.png Ellsic militia
Aktari militia
Local civilian militias


Dhwer Dhweran Military Intelligence Service (alleged)
Strength
Initial:
520,000 troops
600 artillery pieces
177 tanks
162 aircraft


At height of Republican counteroffensive:
780,000 troops
528 artillery pieces
259 tanks
120 aircraft
26 warships
50,000 self-defense militias
Initial:
352,000–360,000 troops
228 artillery pieces
158 tanks
19 aircraft
30,000 local anti-gov't militias
At height of Republican counteroffensive:
1,630,000 troops
80,000-110,000 Finns
15,000 Terms
90,000–150,000 local anti-gov't militias
150,000–200,000 willing helpers
200 artillery pieces
490 tanks
90 aircraft
Casualties and losses

137,623 killed
150,355 wounded or missing


67 guns destroyed
59 tanks destroyed
50 aircraft destroyed

108,030 killed
137,912 wounded


59 guns destroyed
51 tanks destroyed
4 aircraft destroyed
Civilian casualties
54,701 civilians killed
270,000–280,000 civilians wounded
300,354 killed and 558,267–568,267 wounded overall
Around 2,500,000 civilians internally displaced

The Western War was a seven-month long armed conflict between the Fals Empire, the Republic of Tiir (later becoming the Fáknir Republic), and HF Fáknirland, and was the second of two conflicts in the 2017-2019 Fáknir civil war, being preceded by the Fáknir Civil War. It started on 13 May 2018 when HF troops broke the previously standing ceasefire and launched an offensive against the Empire which ended in the HF's defeat. Following this, the Empire invaded the Republic of Tiir, beginning a large and costly conflict wherein the Empire suffered several major defeats that saw it withdrawing from the region and eventually from its entire former western territory.

Interim period

After the civil war ended with the ceasefire on 1 September 2017, tensions between the separatist states and the Empire seemed to have died down to some degree. With the main focus now on the resolution of the Al Atawdad case, cooperation was the mainstream sentiment and the focus of politics. During this time, officials in the Empire made several individual attempts to negotiate for reintegration with officials of the breakaway states, but were ultimately unsuccessful. Fáknirs across the Empire believed that the HF and the Republic were capable of achieving independence, regardless of the territorial and manpower losses the HF had suffered before the ceasefire. Some months into the ceasefire, the Empire started to investigate and silence high-profile individuals who openly supported Fáknir independence, which once more began to sour the fragile relations that had been built up throughout the months of the ceasefire. Relations broke down further when Imperial Intelligence began to freeze and shut down several banks that had been found funnelling money to the Republic and the HF during the civil war. While it was clear that there was a connection, the leadership of the separatist states denied ­any involvement. The Republic of Tiir took notice of the fact that the Empire began to rotate Fáknir soldiers below the radar and out of active duty, or move them into inconsequential positions, culminating in the customs and border guard departments swapping all their Fáknir staff in the west with members of other ethnicities. When the Republic eventually rang the bell, the racist accusations cast a significant blemish on the integrity of the Imperial government and opened it up for criticism. The Empire responded by showing that doing this had effectively reduced the amount of Fáknir independence fighters traveling in from abroad to zero in a very short time, in sharp contrast to the tens of thousands of such insurgents that had been able to immigrate before, when employed border guard staff were still primarily posted in their provincial or local areas. While this appeased the public everywhere else, it only increased tensions with the separatist states, and again the Fáknir-majority western provinces also began to criticize the Imperial government.

Resumption of hostilities

On May 13, 2018, forces of the HF struck fortified positions near the city of Skottak and encircled nearly 3000 Imperial troops that were entrenched in a salient formation that had emerged before the start of the ceasefire. This significantly strengthened the HF's position in the region as HF-held Skottak would no longer be surrounded by Imperial forces. Simultaneously the HF carried out advances in several positions throughout the province while the military was not expecting an attack, leading to minor territorial gains for the HF, but at a high cost and with varying success. Intelligence from within the occupied territories suggested that the HF was concentrating its forces toward the west, potentially leaving their eastern lines less defensible. The government of the Republic condemned the HF's unannounced move, fearing a complete re-escalation of the ceasefire. The joint rebellion in Katar province also announced they intended to honour the ceasefire agreement. In the following days, it became clear that the HF would not reconsider, forcing the other separatist factions to either act to reinforce the HF or leave them to combat the Empire on their own. A few days later, the Republic opted to enforce their end of the ceasefire and warned the HF they would lose the Republic's support. However, the Katarian insurgents made their intentions clear on May 23 when they began carrying out attacks on the military, pushing them out of several small settlements, though like with the HF, the heavily reinforced military presence meant that their gains came at a heavy cost. Additionally, their reliance on their loose organization and surprise tactics which worked to their advantage at the beginning of the civil war now were a disadvantage, especially now that they were suffering from a lack of supplies and manpower, and surrounded by a prepared military.

As the fighting picked up in intensity, the Empire pre-emptively stationed a significant amount of troops to the border with the Republic of Tiir from May 27 and onward, which according to the Empire was done to nip in the bud any attempts by the Republic to advance out of its territory. This acted to gear the populations of the neighbouring provinces in which troops were being stationed, who were firmly pro-Republic, against the central government, and caused intense rioting in multiple cities in the west. The Republican government denounced the move and declared they considered it a prelude to a military offensive against the Republic, and blamed the Empire of further inciting tensions in the west. In the meantime, as expected the military was successfully pushing back the Katarian insurgency into holdouts and disadvantageous positions. From May 25 on, large pockets of insurgency-held territory were cut off from resupply and reinforcement, prompting major internal factions to surrender. With the loss of the cities of Kaamers, Münn, and Nuuteina, the joint insurgency decided to capitulate unconditionally to the Empire on June 1, but isolated pockets of resistance were not dissolved until a week after. The military was able to reclaim a portion of the materiel previously captured by the insurgents, but advised the government that even with losses included, a large amount of vehicles and ammunitions had gone missing, which colonel Brem Krasap, in charge of the military in the Katar province presumed had been siphoned off to the Republic in the last few days of the conflict with the insurgents. This was later confirmed by intelligence reports.

In the east, the conflict with the HF was showing no sign of lessening. As previously mentioned, the HF had indeed chosen to bolster its western front at the expense of the east, as most of its operational infrastructure was located near Bastoori and Skottak. As a result, the military quickly rolled through the regions, recapturing Fobós and Ahanin mid-June, opening a way to Aylanti and Desketá which presented a serious threat to the HF. The HF, having made some successful advances in the east at a heavy coast, started to suffer from severe manpower shortages and overextension, and was no longer able to sustain its efforts.

Beginning of the war with the Republic

[WIP]