Atruozan gender

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The Atruozan gender system, or the Five-Gender System, is the legal gender system within the majority of Atruosphere nations, or a recognised system therein, and is culturally predominant within groups of Atruozan peoples and very common within areas of diaspora. It is also found in many South Ystelic and Central Ystelic groups (Don't feel afraid to adopt this framework or a fun mix/transitional blend of this and the Adzamasiin gender framework within South Baredina north of the Atruosphere, esp in and east of the central range (same goes for esp far southern Ystel)! Anywhere else adopting it can get mentioned in here later in edit). The system is comprised of five genders, and bears similarity to the Lower Ekuosian Gender System, leading some to propose a potential common origin of the two. The genders are tied to specific social roles, personality traits, and behaviours, and play a role in career determination.

Transliteration and orthography

In modern Atruozan, the five genders are semreittu, lonkweuo, menaippø, ëmmersüp, and kwuomãl (pronounced as [s̪emre:t̪:u loɴ̟ɢ̟wɜʊ̯wo men̪aɪ̯p:ø ɛm:ers̪ʏp q̟wu:mɑ̃l], respectively). From these the English/meta names were chosen. These are, in order, semreittu, longqeuwo, menaippo, emmeirsup, and qwuumal. There are no distinct plural forms.


As previously mentioned, the five genders are semreittu, longqeuwo, menaippo, emmeirsup, and qwuumal. In an extreme oversimplification, these might be translated as home-carers, hunters, processors, crafters, and spirituality/healers/teachers. Among peoples with the Lower Ekuosian Gender System (LEGS), semreittu and longqeuwo are often conflated with sena and rukrar, respectively, and by further extension, it isn't uncommon for binary or binary-plus gender system peoples to conflate these two with 'woman' and 'man'. This is of course inaccurate, especially in the later case, and perfect likeness being assumed in the former is also incorrect as there are some differences in specific role, in addition to the Atruozan gender system not being tied strictly to physical sex. In groups with the four-gender system with quurosh, or binary-plus groups, qwuumal may occasionally be assumed to be a perfect likeness (to the third gender role within binary-plus groupings), which is also inaccurate.

That said, there are physical-sex based notable trends which can be observed in the following table, which breaks down each gender's sex distribution :

Sex Distribution by Gender
AFAB AMAB Intersex
Semreittu 80% 19.8% 0.2%
Longqeuwo 21.8% 78% 0.2%
Menaippo 60% 39% 1%
Emmeirsup 17.8% 82% 0.2%
Qwuumal 25% 35% 40%

AFAB and AMAB refer to those who would, in a two-gender system, be assigned female/male at birth (respectively). In short, AFAB people are born with a vulva and vagina, and AMAB people with a penis and testes. "Feminine" and "masculine" exist as noun classes in the majority of Atruozan languages, and tend to map to the genders by grouping semreittu and emmeirsup into the feminine, and longqeuwo and menaippo into the masculine, with qwuumal most often being grouped into the neutral animate. As these terms relate to gender expression, however, they are not very accurate terms, since within gender system each gender has its own specific role, personality traits, appropriate attire and expression, and expected behaviour. Qwuumal are generally seen as neutral, if slightly "masculine"-leaning, as evidenced by Atruozan languages with a noun-class system containing neutral animate, "masculine", and "feminine", which most often place qwuumal referents under the neutral animate as it relates to intersex and AMAB individuals, whereas with respect to AFAB individuals, qwuumal referents are placed under the "masculine". In languages with this noun-class division or a similar one, qwuumal and its related things are also seen placed regardless into a neutral animate class, or more rarely, with the aforementioned sex-based divide occuring, but with AMAB qwuumal referents placed under the "feminine".

The gender distribution of the population is approximately 40% semreittu, 25% lonqeuwo, 18% menaippo, 13% emmeirsup, and 4% qwuumal (which contains around 82% of intersex individuals).

Gender roles

The traditional gender roles and their duties are centred around the nomadic and semi-nomadic ways of life traditionally common to most Ystelo-Atruozan (and adjacent?) peoples. In regions with relatively more sedentary lifestyles traditionally, similar albeit slightly different roles adapted to such a lifestyle were and are seen. In the present day, these roles and duties remain largely the same, albeit with some adaptation in cities and larger towns in line with the modernisation of life in the current era.


Semreittu are among the "feminine" personalities, and are most commonly (although not exclusively) AFAB. They are the "home-carers", and associated strongly with the home in all aspects, as well as with nurturing, compassionate, gentle, and dominant personalities. In nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes, they are the ones responsible for the contruction and maintenance of the home/tent/shelter, as well as for its eventual deconstruction, winterisation, or summerisation, and the keeping of inventory and preparation for transport of the housing materials. Semreittu are the primary caregivers during the day of infants and very young children, and often are tasked with light foraging in close proximity to the village or campsite.

In traditionally sedentary communities who partook in some lighter farming, they would often work with the planting and raising of crops, as well as aid somewhat in their harvest, in addition to the general daily tending to livestock, including both milking muskoxen and camels, and collecting qiviut (muskox wool). They are also generally in charge of barter and gift transactions traditionally, which translates in the modern era in larger settlements to them most often dealing with both the setting of prices and general shopping, especially of food-based groceries (this in addition to partaking in gardening and/or foraging).

In cities and large towns, semreittu are still most often those dealing with the watching and raising of young children and infants during the day, while dealing with the family's finances, despite a fairly large percentage not being officially employed in any capacity. Semreittu hold a very strong dominance within home construction and furnishing, as well as home-based repair and maintenance trades (in the sense of the trades as they relate to residential home applications). It is not uncommon for them to be the one to primarily build their family's home, and on camping and hunting trips are still very much so the ones responsible for lodging. In dealing with the homes and finances, they are also the gender who predominantly deals with the effective "rent" paid for all buildings (within the Atruosphere), as full independent home and land ownership is a foreign concept.

While not common, they may perform roles as midwives, and help out as a cook, second to menaippo. Due to their traditional roles surrounding bartering and trading, as well as home-caring, they also can be found in management and cashier/storefront positions, and are a decently common option as waiters, alongside lonqeuwo and menaippo.


Longqeuwo are among the "masculine" personalities, and are most commonly (although not exclusively) AMAB. They are the "hunters", and are strongly associated with the outdoors, curiosity for exploration, selflessness, strength, empathy, patience, and physical sport. In nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes, their duties require them to travel often for the purposes of hunting, and also perform most fishing and some slaughtering. Trips can range from a single day up to several weeks. On larger trips, they may be tasked with the transport of goods for trading, as well as being expected to forage certain further-out nutrients. They are also usually the sole group responsible for the raising and caring of dogs, which traditionally provide them with a method of transportation and hunting aid for the better part of the year. Longqeuwo are expected to be somewhat more jacks-of-all-trades than the other genders, as they require basic knowledge traditionally associated with other gender roles during many trips in which they don't have help from all others in their family who would otherwise fulfil those duties. Such tasks include sewing, cooking, shelter construction, and weapon and tool repair.

In traditionally sedentary communities partaking in light farming, longqeuwo are often tasked with the rearing and slaughtering of livestock, as well as with aiding semreittu in the collection of qiviut. They are the primary group in charge of the crop harvest throughout the year in such communities, and aid somewhat in their planting. While semreittu most often watch over the growth of crops, longqeuwo are specifically tasked with trying to resolve disease and pest issues in the cropland. Even in sedentary communities, a fair amount of their time is still spent foraging, often somewhat further from the community, as well as some fishing and more nearby hunting, although trapping specifically is more common in these tribes overall. As in more nomadic tribes, they are also responsible for the general protection of the community (or their travelling group) wherever present, being traditionally on the lookout for large predators roaming near the village site, or around qwuumal teaching groups, etc. This also applies to watching over the safety of the livestock and crops in sedentary communities.

In cities and larger towns, longqeuwo translate the maintenance of community safety into an overwhelming dominance in security and enforcement positions, including in the police force, as well as make up the majority of soldiers in the often smaller armies of the area used primarily for humanitarian aid. They hold positions in the judicial side of law enforcement alongside qwuumal, and are often found working clerical jobs involving the organisation and taking stock of non-edible supplies not directly relevant to the home, and people, as well as in construction outside the homebuilding sector (although some are rarely found as low-level labourers in home construction) and more generally in non-residential plumbing and electrician trades. Longqeuwo dominate the transportation and distribution sectors, as well as dog veterinarians (as an extension of their traditional dogkeeping and sled-running roles), and are often found working as general staff in shops (especially those dealing with non-food products). In large cities specifically, where applicable, longqeuwo form the majority of urban/city planners.

They are decidedly the most common athletes in the majority of physical sports, originating from their role as the warriors in traditional war games used in place of actual combat, being central to one of the three types of games which occur in those instances, often consisting of very large-scale multi-day games meant to emulate the spirit of combat.


Menaippo are among the "masculine" personalities, and are most commonly AFAB, although a substantial proportion are AMAB. They are the "processors", and associated strongly with butchering, cooking, practicality, respect, physical and mental strength, introversion, quietness, and reliability. In nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes, menaippo are responsible for the breaking down of gathered materials and items for use by others and themselves for food. Hunted animals are brought to them, where they are then skinned and cleaned, with all usable materials being properly treated and sent off to the other genders for tools and supplies (such as treated pelts and separated vegetal fibres), and meats being smoked and cured, cooked, or stored in other forms as deemed necessary. They are highly trained in their craft, as mistakes (especially when dealing with hunted game or fish) results in wastage and thereby immense disrespect for the spirits of the fauna in question. They are also the primary gender responsible for cooking for their family, and deal with taking stock of the food supplies for the winter and ensuring enough is prepared and preserved beforehand as best as possible. Often, menaippo are tasked with breaking down vegetal fibres for the emmeirsup, which they often help collect in their foraging duties, which involve foraging further than semreittu, but within a half-day's travel from the community, and trapping within that range. They are the ones responsible for dealing with the dead, and therefore are at the head of the majority of funerary practices and rites within their communities, a job which requires immense respect for the deceased during the processing of the bodies.

In traditionally sedentary communities, their jobs are often much the same, with somewhat less trapping work and nearer foraging, in addition to helping in the planting and harvesting of crops and the feeding of the livestock. Regardless of sedentariness of the tribe, they not uncommonly go along with longqeuwo, especially on longer trips, to help out to avoid food spoilage and allow the hunters more time to do their duties while the menaippo check and maintain nearby traps and prepare meals.

In cities and large towns, menaippo translate their traditional roles in several ways. Often they are found working as cooks and chefs in restaurants and other institutions. Usually even more commonly, they are found working as butchers, leatherworkers/pelt and hide preppers, and in the food processing industry. It is not uncommon for them to work as cashiers or storefront workers in restaurants and foodstores, though they are much more frequently seen as waiters, where they dominate. They are also often health and safety representatives in their workplaces, and aren't uncommon in the judicial sector as specialised judges and lawyers in the fields of food health and safety. Menaippo also appear decently often in court as expert witnesses for pathology or mortician-related knowledge, which are two fields in which menaippo make up a very strong majority of the workers. It is not that uncommon to see them choose to stay at home and help semreittu by dealing with cooking and gardening, in addition to helping somewhat with children and housecare.


Emmeirsup are among the "feminine" personalities, and are most commonly (although not exclusively) AMAB. They are the "crafters", and are strongly associated with sewing, toolmaking, smaller crafting projects, most visual arts, caring, friendliness, kindness, tenacity, and reserved (yet dominant) personalities. In nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes, they play an important role in the functioning of society, by acting as the people "behind the scenes". Their roles range from stitching and sewing their families' clothing, to making and helping upkeep kitchen, working, and hunting tools. Often, emmeirsup can be found making pots and cooking supplies, bags, and bedding, but they tend to also be the group expected to be the most artistic outside of music, with painting, carving, tapestries, and beadwork being very commonly seen. It is usually expected of them to collect many of the materials necessary for their own crafts, and to collect some non-animal parts for projects (at least partly) for others. This often involves foraging within a distance of the community around mid-way between the limits of semreittu and menaippo. Occasionally, emmeirsup can be seen trapping or hunting small game (almost always with menaippo) for materials.

In sedentary communities partaking in light farming, the roles of emmeirsup are largely unchanged, as their tasks are widely applicable across a variety of situations. The differences observed in these sedentary communities are the addition of tools and clothing/harnesses relevant to a somewhat more agricultural lifestyle, with those tools and objects applicable only to nomadic tribes often going unlearned. In these communities, emmeirsup tend to have relatively more time to work on crafts and artistic ventures than their nomadic brethren, which results in such sedentary tribes having overall more diversity in artistic style.

In modern times, these roles translate in cities and large towns to a dominance in the large majority of the trades, as well as in the visual arts. They are also highly involved in the manufacturing and fabrication sectors, occupying most of the positions. Importantly, they are seamstresses, and many have taken that further to work as storefront staff in clothing stores. It is not uncommon for most of any child's clothes to have been made by their emmeirsup parent. While the Atruosphere and Ystel (and lower South Baredina more broadly) are not terribly automated, and aren't likely to become so in the foreseeable future, some positions in large cities have very slowly begun to be replaced by robots and machinery. In these cases, emmeirsup have very quickly shifted to the roles of maintenance and operation of said machinery, as well as to the engineering and development of the technologies.

Visual arts are probably focused on by the highest proportion of emmeirsup in large urban settings, where innovations and evolution in the art scne are found alongside a still prominent traditional art focus, as traditional artstyles maintain great popularity among much of the general populace. Due to the importance of the arts to emmeirsup, during traditional war games, one of the three categories of game played involved competition between emmeirsup, often to try and outperform one another in an agreed upon discipline. Tests of specific skill in work like sewing waterproof stitches (a complex type of stitch) is also common, as are competitions involving the construction of various tools to compare their effectiveness, among many others.


Qwuumal represent the single "neutral" personality, with the large majority of intersex individuals identifying as such. They are associated with academics, spirituality, medicine, selflessness, intelligence, caring, hand-eye coordination, extroversion, and leadership. In nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes, qwuumal play very important roles in the community, acting as shamans, doctors, and teachers, and are often seen as tribe or clan chiefs. Those specialising in medicine are held to a very high standard, as they perform absolutely critical services for the community with high risk in the case of mistake. Many qwuumal doctors remain highly trained in traditional medicines in the modern day, as it is seen as of equal importance to more modern medicine. Their work as shamans is also very important, as shamans not only hold a leadership role in the community, but also act as the tribe's midwives. One of their primary roles, however, is to act as teachers for the children in the tribe, requiring them to learn notable amounts regarding other gender roles, so that children may be adequately given the experiences and tools required for determining their gender at their coming of age, and for determining what they would like to specialise in as adults. On the many educational excursions they perform (often within moderate proximity of the community), qwuumal are generally tasked with foraging and fishing, or hunting small game, often for the purposes of teaching or providing hands-on experience.

In traditionally sedentary communities partaking in light farming, their roles are largely unchanged from their more nomadic brethren. The differences largely comes down to instructional matter in teaching, with crop planting, tending, and harvesting, as well as livestock care, being taught from an early age in addition to foraging and small game hunting techniques. One of the most significant differences is that in such sedentary communities, qwuumal take on a role as veterinarians of sorts for the livestock, and are expected to tend to their health and do regular check-ups should they be specialised in that role. They are found engaging in academic or theatrical activities and writing more often in sedentary tribes than in nomadic ones.

In cities and large towns, qwuumal translate these positions into much of the same roles as they traditionally held. Virtually all doctors, all non-dog veterinarians, the vast majority of teachers for children, scholars, and researchers, IT positions, and shaman roles are held by qwuumal in these settlements. They are also not uncommonly found working as lawyers or partaking in trials as expert witnesses (often for religious insight as shamans). Chiefs in urban settlements often end up qwuumal as in more rural communities, and therefore they are often active members of politics, which combined with their usual extroversion and kindness makes them very likely candidates for ambassador positions in their nations' embassies. Some also choose to go into engineering fields, or to specialise in mental health and disability care. Music scenes have developed in many of the larger cities in more modern times from work done by qwuumal.

Traditionally, the final type of war game undertaken during tribal conflict occured between qwuumal, and was often considered a test of knowledge or wits. Many competitions involve strategy games, board games not being uncommon in more northern regions, while others involve a variety of complex word games (usually with the goal of outlasting the opponent in relevent words known). While competition through strategy and knowledge-based games were the most popular traditionally, often the games chosen involved musical competition, be it through several singing games with the aim of outlasting the other in not laughing, several tests of musical memory, or prowess in a decided instrument through improvisational competition. Memory games were not uncommon either, with some simply involving tribe shamans reciting history or religious stories and myths. Although uncommon, sometimes qwuumal would agree to test themselves on skills central to a different gender role which they would need to teach to children.

Sexual and gender minorities

The concept of sexual and gender minorities within cultures adhering to the Atruozan gender system is complex and does not apply in remotely the same ways as those adhering to the modern real-life western binary system. In fact, sexual minorities in the vast majority of countries and importantly, cultures, adhering to the system can be considered to not exist per se in the way they are thought in Earth's modern western binary. Transgenderism as a concept itself is also largely non-existent, as anyone is capable of picking any gender as best suits them at their coming of age. The result of this is gender minorities mostly representing people of any given gender with physical dysphoria, and therefore deals more with issues of sex than gender itself.

Homosexuality and bisexuality

The concepts of homosexuality and bisexuality are not generally applicable to most cultures partaking in the Five-gender System, as the vast majority of these groups have familial structures differing from those of the modern western world, further complicating such a concept within this different framework. Generally, parental units consist of 4-6 individuals (occasionally 3 or slightly more commonly 7), all of whom are expected to be fairly equally attracted to all others, and therefore partake in sexual activities between one another with all other individuals therein. The result of this is interest in all other genders being the social norm, and attraction to only one gender or physical sex being considered abnormal.

Those with attraction to a group of genders but not all, most often show attraction to the "feminine" genders or the "masculine" genders, with or without the inclusion of the more neutral qwuumal. This is what is meant if "bisexuality" is referenced in the context of the gender system in Atruozan cultures, which is most often referred to as "disexuality", to help distinguish it from the western binary understanding of the term. "Monosexuality" refers to attraction to only one specific gender or specific physical sex.

While relations between two members of the same gender aren't disallowed or highly stigmatised, it is generally expected for relationships beyond sexual encounters to first aim to include most of the other four genders (often with the exception of the inclusion of qwuumal due to their smaller population) before a second person of an already-present gender is included. The ultimate result of this is "homosexuality" being uncommon in romantic relationships, and in some tribes is frowned upon.

Transsexuality and transgenderism

Much like the case with regards to sexual minorities, a binary system's understanding of transgenderism is functionally inapplicable to the Atruozan gender system. Due to the genders functionally being labour-based and self-chosen at 16 years of age, individuals virtually always end up in the gender which aligns best with themselves and their identity. Rather, individuals who feel like they do not fall into any of the five genders are more often seen, and therefore represent certain individuals who might be considered agender or non-binary in western binary systems. Treatment of these individuals differs based on the community, with some generally opting to encourage such individuals to identify as qwuumal due to it being the most "neutral" of the genders. In other areas, they may be pressured into identifying with any one of the five as best aligns with their role/career aspirations. While uncommon, there are some places which allow such individuals to identify as non-quinary, although a very substantial portion officially recognise such individuals as qwuumal or another gender as best aligns with their assumed roles.

Despite the general lack of transgender individuals as would be understood by a sex-based binary system, physical dysphoria exists nonetheless. Traditionally, such individuals would partake in packing or wearing chest binders (if AFAB), or tucking and wearing chest padding (if AMAB). These can still be seen in many rural communities, and in many cases aren't uncommon in large urban centres, but with modern medicine, other treatment options have become available. In modern times, many of these individuals will undergo gender-affirming procedures as desired, including: breast reduction/removal surgery, breast augmentation surgery, vaginoplasty, phalloplasty, hormone replacement therapy, and voice therapy.

Sometimes, cases are seen where individuals feel they indentify with two genders fairly equally, and are considered "bigender". Such individuals are most often made to choose one to officially identify as, though many of such communities allow these individuals to partake somewhat in roles traditional to both genders. In some areas, individuals may dress by combining elements from both gender norms, in addition to partaking in a mixture of both roles, which is especially common in larger urban centres. That said, in many of these cases, individuals still are required to take on a single gender officially for the purposes of government documentation.

Interaction with familial structure

As demonstrated previously, the gender system interacts heavily with familial structure, so the following will discuss these interactions as they relate to the Atruozan familial structure. In order to do so effectively, some brief background information needs to first be provided.

In the standard Atruozan-type family, two generations of members are present: the parental unit and the children. The parental unit usually consists of 4-6 members (with 3 and 7 being seen but less commonly) and nearly always contain a semreittu, as they are the ones responsible for the family's home and finances (which explains them making up 40% of the population). The children of the parental unit remain with their parents until between the age of 16 (when they become legal adults) and 20 (when they're considered fully matured societally). Relationships outside the core familial unit do not matter for the purposes of this article.

In Atruozan cultures, there is a common shared concept of spiritual balance in families, with a more balanced parental unit being perceived as more desirable. The most balanced parental unit, and therefore family, is one of five members with one member of each of the five genders. One with four members lacking a qwuumal is seen as the second most desirable arrangement, with five or six including only one double being next in line (six with two doubles, usually at the expense of a qwuumal, is considered close behind this). As a result, these are the most commonly seen arrangements. In families of four or three individuals in the parental unit, or highly unbalanced ones, especially when smaller, it is not uncommon for a partial role rearrangement to take place between the members as it relates to the household, in order to cover the roles which would be assumed by the missing gender.

While it is usually very uncommon, sometimes in unbalanced three or four-member families without a semreittu, one individual would take on the task of largely transitioning their role to that of the home-carers. In about half of these cases, they retain their originally chosen gender's expression and the majority of their customs, though the other half of the time they fully (and generally, legally) transition.

[[[Others outside the Atruosphere within SB who decide to adopt this framework can place their interactions from here down]]]

Gender throughout life

Gender in the Five-Gender System is a changing thing throughout life, with distinct points at which one's identity may be solidified, and a discovery process through childhood that involves a lot of experimentation with expression by children and teenagers. Granted, in most groups adhering to the gender system, once one has passed their 20th birthday, their gender is not expected to change, and there can be some stigma associated with doing so afterwards.

Children and gender

In cultures using the Atruozan gender system, people are considered born genderless. The terms for children are therefore neutral, although words specifying AFAB and AMAB children do often exist. Throughout their childhood, until adulthood at 16, children are expected to experiment with their gender expression, and explore each of the various roles of the different genders to determine their interests. Often, and only after the original nicknaming ceremony at 10 years of age, children will experiment with modifying their provisional nickname and parental given name to include the noun class representative of any given gender as part of their identity discovery.

That said, while many experiment, they tend to begin settling into a gender identity and asking people to refer to them as such full-time after they turn 12. School aids in determining one's gender, as large parts of schooling from very early on involve giving real-life experiences with positions and experiences of the various genders, with children often settling on one or two and delving deeper into determining their role/career aspirations within that one / those two.

Often times, parents will accurately identify the gender their children will eventually identify with by their 8th birthday. That said, they are not culturally allowed to tell their child what they believe they will ultimately become, as it is highly frowned upon to influence a child's gender-discovering process. For this reason, parents are generally also frowned upon should they suggest or try to influence their child's career goals, as social role/career interests is a vital part of the decision on which gender to take.


At the age of 16, within a month (approximately 45 days) of their birthday, children undergo their coming-of-age ceremony. During these events, the teenagers are to come forth and first undergo a half-day inside a sweat lodge in meditation after consuming magic mushrooms or sometimes, large amounts of marijuana. During this time, they are to introspect and solidify their identity, ensuring they are confident in their chosen gender. Afterwards, they are traditionally stripped of any tools and all of their clothing save for the ceremonial undergarments and sent to survive on their own in the wilderness for a week (15 days).

Once they return, they are expected to go into private discussion with the community's shaman, and explain their dreams to them. From this, the shamans extrapolate their gender, which can be contested or confirmed by the new adult. While frowned upon, it is expected that some lie about their dreams to avoid going through the process of contestation, which varies based on tribe and can often be lengthy and complicated. Equally importantly, the shaman determines from this conversation (which includes divulsion of their community role / career interests and aspirations) the possible clans the new adult could choose to become a part of.

The following day, a celebration occurs wherein the new adult(s) publicly and officially states their gender and the clan(s) they're aspiring for, and in the same ceremony are given their official nickname, may have their name adjusted depending on the parental given name's construction to reflect their gender, and are provided their first life achievement title in their names. After this, various regional culture-dependent activities ensue, often paired with a large community feast to celebrate that month's new adults.

After their coming of age, there is only one instance on which it is expected for their gender to potentially change, and in most communities is frowned upon to change afterwards. That is the smaller maturation ceremony at 20 years of age, when new adults become full matured adults. This is often done within their chosen clan, and represents their coming into being a member of it. During the four years until this point, while many may choose to go to post-secondary studies, they are expected to be better learning the customs of their desired clan, or experiencing and determining which clan they'd prefer to join if they had multiple as desired options. This period is also crucial for ensuring that they enjoy their gender as an adult in society, and so a small number of individuals decide to change their gender during their maturation ceremony.

Clans also play a role in the previously discussed concept of familial balance, with more clans in the parental unit being seen as more balanced, and so clan choice does often in part result from gender identity. Most parental units are "officially" formed during the age range of 20 to 24, though units mostly or fully forming as young as 16 or as old as 30 are not unknown, especially in the former case.

International acceptance

Internationally, recognition of the Five-Gender System varies greatly. In some Ystelic nations, there is no legal gender system or cultural gender system, and so their gender is ignored, while in others, related systems exist which people may be approximated to as appropriate. An example of this occuring is in many countries with the Lower Ekuosian Gender System, who may recognise genders as their nearest equivalent (for example, semreittu being considered seen, or emmeirsup being considered benthiin). Should a fifth gender not exist, qwuumal may be grouped into another or expected to do so legally if either visiting or immigrating. In some cases, due to the partially sex-based nature of the LEGS, some (for ex: AMAB semreittu) may be either considered transgender seen or be required to identify with an AMAB LEGS gender during immigration.

Some nations may recognise semreittu as women by role association and association through the LEGS genders, and longqeuwo by the same reasoning. Often, these nations will recognise menaippo as "transgender men" and emmeirsup as "transgender women" by the same associations (those using binary-plus systems may consider qwuumal and sometimes menaippo and emmeirsup as the third gender). Other nations may instead ignore all of the genders and simply group people according to their physical sex, or adopt a mix of the two solutions.

[[[you may insert your nation's recognition of the system down below as you desire]]]


Alpa and Atsiq




The Bavkirs believe in a very dualistic world, in which an individual person is grouped into either a "masculine" or "feminine" gender that essentially matches with their biological sex. As the five-gender system does not map onto the Bavkir two-gender system, the person may be grouped into a profession or class, and then into the gender.

The Semreittu would align to a Bavkir woman's gender role most closely, as they take care of the home, nurture, are compassionate, gentle and take care of infants and children.

The Longqeuwo map onto the Bavkir man's gender role most closely, taking on the role of hunters, strength and physicality. Along with hunting, Bavkir men take on the role of fishers along with butchering and filleting the animals caught for food.

The rearing and slaughtering of livestock are taken care of by Bavkir men where harvests and planting are expected to be done with the help of the entire clan, where gardening and maintaining the crop are mainly the domain of Bavkir women.

The Menaippo are not considered a separate role in the Bavkir worldview, as their tasks are divided between men and women. As the preparation of meats is the domain of men, and the preparation of vegetals are the domain of women. The dead are to be handled by priests

The Emmeirsup align most closely the domain of women, as Bavkir women are expected to take on the role of potters, and crafters of simple tools. Women would also take on the role of weaving, seweing, and threading of vegetal fibers Where men handle the crafting of tools like weapons or other tools which require blacksmithing. Otherwise there is no bias with regard to who can produce art, so they may be referred to as their trade instead.

Qwuumal cannot be considered part of gender in the Bavkir worldview. These would be scholars, priests/nuns, or doctors.

Atruozan Parenting Groups are not acknowledged in Bavkirak, as the parents would have to registered as either the biological parents or the adopted parents for the legal parentage of children.


Uraborian society does not officially recognize the Atruozan gender system and those prescribed to such a system (I.E. more Genders than the three officially recognized), though any visitor to Urabor will be given the choice upon entry of: Male, Female or Plural, being displayed on their visa and if left blank will be assigned by perceived gender. It should be noted that this is a permanent assignment, and will only be changed if the visitor in question can produce sufficient documentation to substantiate the requested change. Documentation types accepted are; A Notarized copy of a corrected birth certificate, a notarized letter from a licensed physician, or official documentation of legal gender reassignment surgery. All documentation is subjected to recognition by the Uraborian Board of Health and Medical Practice, so visitors are advised to choose plural, in order to avoid the bureaucracy of the Uraborian legal system. If the visitor in question chooses to submit documentation in order to change the gender on their visa it should also be noted that they will be barred from entry or deported until the documentation can be verified and officially recognized, and will either be handed an acceptance or denial letter or have one sent to their address listed on their visa application.

Ekuosia and Lahan

Nagu and the Draconics

North Miraria




South Baredina