Komasarism
Komasarism, derived from the Koman term "Khomaṣarə" meaning the Koman way, serves as the guiding ideology of the Imperial State of Komania. It should be noted that Komasarism is occasionally mistaken for Sahbarism. Prime Minister Sahbâr Aharli, affectionately known as "Hashajan" or 'The Reformer', established this ideology in 1958. Its foundations lie deeply rooted in the cultural values and philosophies of Koman heritage, originally shaped during the era of the Great Horde and adapted within the framework of Sannist principles. Its historical ties can also be traced back to the nomadic Tamir Khanate, from which the Komans trace their ancestry. Komasarism can be categorized as a form of Reactionary Sannism. The ideology is essentially the Sannist interpretation of the older Qoman kharem, institutionalizing its fundaments following the basis of Nation state.
A distinctive characteristic of Komasarism is its unwavering commitment to non-partisanship, leading to the absence of any representative political party. Instead, the ideology is fully integrated into the 1958 Koman Constitution, holding the government accountable to its principles. Prime Minister Aharli envisioned a distinct, unaligned ideology guiding the Koman state, offering liberation from foreign political doctrine while safeguarding the integrity of the Koman people. It was precisely this ideology that drove the Yellow Purge and ignited a backlash against foreign influences in the aftermath of the Koman Civil War.
Despite its association with its founding father, former Prime Minister Sahbâr Aharli, most of the ideals that encompass Komasarism were formulated by the Cabinet of National Renewal, commonly abbreviated CANAR, with many of its integrants being part of the pre-1930s pro-traditionalist movements of the defunct National League Party.
Origins
Core Tenets
Monarchic Principles
Hokarah and National Allegiance
A longstanding practice based on national allegiance and the reaffirmation of loyalty to the monarchy involves displaying portraits of the reigning emperor within public edifices. Traditionally referred to as the Hokarah (lit: High praise), this custom is observed during occasions of notable national significance, including holidays. This act is always accompanied by the raising of the State flag and the signing of the national anthem.
The Hokarah is argued to be rooted in the veneration of emperors during the Great Horde, at the time, these customs were mainly displayed by painting an aura in imperial portraits to signify the monarch's 'divinity', other customs of devotional significance included their title as Shadow of God, representing the House of Ashar as the carnal embodiment of Thagha and their role as divine actors in the Realm of Men. The Hokarah is considered to be a set of archaic customs upholding the monarchy as worthy of 'divination', it further includes customs on how to address the reigning monarch, ceremonial titles, and symbolic acts of divination.
During the formation of the 1958 Constitution, a debate was held on whether such customs were to be kept, however, CANAR reached a consensus on its significance and role within Komania's monarchic traditions, asserting that the abolition of the Hokarah might become a gateway for the devaluation of the Koman monarch and neglect by the general population.
Nationalistic Ideals
Koman Paternalism
During the 1950s, the prominence of paternalistic ideals over diverse subgroups of the Koman and non-Koman factions gained notable traction. Spearheaded by the Ministry of State Media, this trend found expression in an array of advertisements and government posters. These visual mediums distinctly aimed their messaging at those embroiled in the Bohazad dispute, succinctly propagating the concept of Koman paternalism. This notion found its roots in the Torosh community, which demonstrated a political affinity for Kuulism during Shomosvan and Horik's governance of Torosha. The Koman government during this era staunchly contended that the Torosh separatism and their pursuit of self-identity were unjustified policies perpetuated by Kuulist propaganda and anti-Koman sentiments. This narrative engendered a prevailing belief that Torosh identity had its origins in Kuulist influence, and as such, was to be considered "illegitimate". In addition, the government argued that the genuine Torosh culture should be seen as a form of Koman culture specific to that region. They believed it should be part of the larger 'Koman ethnic group.' This viewpoint saw the term Koman as a broad label covering various groups not limited to the Imperial State.
Nowadays, a similar but albeit toned-down form of this paternalism is widely used by the Koman government to spread patronizing ideals against the Torosh but also towards other subgroups with separatist leniencies. An example of this rhetoric being applied is the reclassification of the Marahi people, a Balak-speaking group, into a subgroup of the Koman, under the government’s view. This reclassification stripped them of their rights for acknowledgement and autonomy within the Bohazad Princely State.
Viewed through an academic perspective, there is a general agreement regarding Torosh culture and identity. Koman scholars concur that the Torosh should naturally fall under the larger category of Koman. This perspective takes into consideration other groups that might have lost their original languages. Research on the Torosh people has also put forth the notion that while they are part of this broader grouping, much of their cultural characteristics stem from interactions with the historical Kaatians, Kothlens, and pre-Vaniuan populations of the region.
Pan-Komanism
Sovereign Concepts
Khomâsah
Khomâsah meaning 'Koman realm' sometimes translated as the 'empire of the Komans' is a historical term formerly referring to the regions populated by Komans within the Great Horde. This term evolved into an ethnocultural belief, entailing the shared cultural, linguistic, and ethnic characteristics of Komans taking precedence over territorial boundaries. In other words, Khomâsah is the idea of an ethnostate not bound by territory but rather through a cohesive "nation" due to their shared cultural or ethnic identity.
Khomâsah has been partly attributed to Koman irredentism as it is often used to justify the annexation of Koman-majority areas in neighbouring countries. It has also been a strong argument driving the ideals behind the creation of Tamiran and notions of Koman paternalism over Torosha to a lesser degree.
The roots of Khomâsah stretch deep into history, reaching back to the time of the Tamir Khanate during the epoch of the Triumvirate. Initially, Khomâsah was a term that encapsulated the Kalkali-speaking regions within the Khanate. As the Khanate's elite primarily spoke Kalkali, their cultural and social norms were intricately woven into the fabric of the ruling Tamirs. These norms, in turn, evolved seamlessly into the Qoman Qarem. The lack territorial borders is a reflection of the nomadic traditions of these communities, traditions that played a pivotal role in moulding the Qoman Qarem during the establishment of the Great Horde.
Traditional Values
Intersection of State and Religion
Interplay of Politics and Religion
Cultural Preservation
The Huzra Architectural Movement
Regulations on Attire
Statism
Emphasis on Militarism
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Militarism is a core aspect of Komasarism, primarily due to the aftermath of the Koman Civil War. The protracted conflict has significantly increased the accessibility of firearms to the general civilian population, leaving a lasting mark of militancy in society. Prime Minister Sahbâr Aharli adeptly capitalized on this prevailing militaristic sentiment, utilizing it as an opportunity to rally support against perceived threats from Kuulists and Balkists. This was done as a preventive measure, to avoid the rise of paramilitary groups filling the power vacuum once the civil war came to an end.
Aharli strategically implemented policies aimed at further militarizing the state, harnessing the existing militarism as a means to consolidate power and promote the interests of the Komasarist regime. This militaristic approach served to cultivate a sense of national unity and strength, bolstering the government's authority while fostering a climate of militaristic fervour among the populace.
The Koman Civil War triggered a wave of fundamentalism within the populace, which largely left highly armed fundamentalists and indoctrinated groups without direction once the war was over. Therefore, it became a primary concern for the prime minister to create a way to funnel these groups, and avoid potential conflicts from arising due to the power vacuum.
To a larger extent, Aharli's policies mainly consisted of programs such as the creation of military youth groups, obligatory registration of firearms, mandatory military service, compulsory indoctrination through welfare programs and the infamous Kharem Ishkumar program. As well as a complete overhaul of the penitentiary system to include 'deviants', meaning people non-conforming to state ideology.
As a result, Komasarism has become synonymous with a robust military presence, which has led to a greater degree of authoritarianism, with militarism permeating various aspects of society. The legacy of the civil war and the subsequent rise of former military cliques have left an indelible imprint on the Koman psyche, shaping their perception of security and national identity.
State Religion
By custom, Komasarism abides by Shawadii Zarasaism as the Religion of State of the Imperial State, codified into the Tughanjuh Proclamation and into the Koman 1958 Constitution. As a result, the state rejects any religion or denomination that the Constitution does not accept. However, politicians and government members are prohibited from using religious values as a basis for administrative matters, judicial reviews and decisions, and executive matters, as the 1958 Constitution dictates that state laws precede religious principles.
Law of Virtue 'Dawakharem'
Collectivism
Wazûnah system
Policies on education
In the formulation of the 1958 Constitution, several provisions were delineated that addressed the core tenets of Komasarism within the educational system. Following the aftermath of the Koman Civil War, Komania's political landscape underwent substantial changes, resulting in an educational system that was starkly underdeveloped and not in alignment with the prerequisites of a contemporary nation-state, as per Komasarist ideals. Initial educational reforms were ushered in with the establishment of the CANAR. Simultaneously, there was a notable increase in the funding allocated to educational establishments, manifesting as a central component of CANAR's broader developmental strategies.
The instituted reforms sought to address numerous critical issues identified within the educational framework. Educators of that time highlighted several areas of concern, including the erosion of discipline, an absence of standardized educational formalities, inconsistencies in educational doctrines, and the rise of tribalism in isolated schools and marginalized institutions. Additionally, there was considerable misallocation of resources and subpar infrastructure in regions that were previously under enemy control. Of significant concern was the discernible ideological divergence in territories that had formerly been under Kuulist influence, necessitating immediate attention. The former framework used by the pre-1958 regime was therefore scrapped, with the Imperial State Educational Proclamation of 1870 deemed too outdated to accommodate Komasarist ideals.
In response to the identified challenges, CANAR enacted the 1958 State Education Edict. As part of the reforms, this pivotal enactment addressed the previously mentioned issues and laid the groundwork for a more egalitarian educational environment. In accordance with the mandates of the 1958 Constitution, the State Education Mandate guaranteed access to free education for all Koman citizens. The mandate encompassed several features:
- Establishment of a cohesive educational doctrine.
- Instruction in appropriate etiquette and clothing.
- Revision and enhancement of academic curricula.
- Educational focus on the nation, its rich heritage, and the role of the emperor.
- Stress on upholding Koman traditional values.
- Propagation of materials aimed at rectifying political deviations and non-standard values.
The State Education Mandate was enforced in all princely states as the basis for the Imperial State's education system as part of the 1958 constitution.